Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln
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Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln

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One of the most influential books of the past fifty years, Team of Rivals is Pulitzer Prize–winning author and esteemed presidential historian Doris Kearns Goodwin’s modern classic about the political genius of Abraham Lincoln, his unlikely presidency, and his cabinet of former political foes.

Winner of the prestigious Lincoln Prize and the inspiration for the Oscar Award winning–film Lincoln, starring Daniel Day-Lewis, directed by Steven Spielberg, and written by Tony Kushner.

On May 18, 1860, William H. Seward, Salmon P. Chase, Edward Bates, and Abraham Lincoln waited in their hometowns for the results from the Republican National Convention in Chicago. When Lincoln emerged as the victor, his rivals were dismayed and angry.

Throughout the turbulent 1850s, each had energetically sought the presidency as the conflict over slavery was leading inexorably to secession and civil war. That Lincoln succeeded, Goodwin demonstrates, was the result of a character that had been forged by experiences that raised him above his more privileged and accomplished rivals. He won because he possessed an extraordinary ability to put himself in the place of other men, to experience what they were feeling, to understand their motives and desires.

It was this capacity that enabled Lincoln as president to bring his disgruntled opponents together, create the most unusual cabinet in history, and marshal their talents to the task of preserving the Union and winning the war.

We view the long, horrifying struggle from the vantage of the White House as Lincoln copes with incompetent generals, hostile congressmen, and his raucous cabinet. He overcomes these obstacles by winning the respect of his former competitors, and in the case of Seward, finds a loyal and crucial friend to see him through.

This brilliant multiple biography is centered on Lincoln's mastery of men and how it shaped the most significant presidency in the nation's history.

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ISBN-10

0743270754

ISBN-13

978-0743270755

Print length

944 pages

Language

English

Publisher

Simon & Schuster

Publication date

September 25, 2006

Dimensions

6.13 x 1.7 x 9.25 inches

Item weight

2.7 pounds


Popular Highlights in this book

  • In order to “win a man to your cause,” Lincoln explained, you must first reach his heart, “the great high road to his reason.”

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B000N2HBSO

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53092 KB

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Editorial Reviews

"An elegant, incisive study....Goodwin has brilliantly described how Lincoln forged a team that preserved a nation and freed America from the curse of slavery."

—James M. McPherson, The New York Times Book Review

"Goodwin's narrative abilities...are on full display here, and she does an enthralling job of dramatizing...crucial moments in Lincoln's life....A portrait of Lincoln as a virtuosic politician and managerial genius."

—Michiko Kakutani, The New York Times

"Splendid, beautifully written....Goodwin has brilliantly woven scores of contemporary accounts...into a fluid narrative....This is the most richly detailed account of the Civil War presidency to appear in many years."

—John Rhodehamel, Los Angeles Times

"Endlessly absorbing....[A] lovingly rendered and masterfully fashioned book."

—Jay Winik, The Wall Street Journal


Sample

Chapter 1: Four Men Waiting

On May 18, 1860, the day when the Republican Party would nominate its candidate for president, Abraham Lincoln was up early. As he climbed the stairs to his plainly furnished law office on the west side of the public square in Springfield, Illinois, breakfast was being served at the 130-room Chenery House on Fourth Street. Fresh butter, flour, lard, and eggs were being put out for sale at the City Grocery Store on North Sixth Street. And in the morning newspaper, the proprietors at Smith, Wickersham & Company had announced the arrival of a large spring stock of silks, calicos, ginghams, and linens, along with a new supply of the latest styles of hosiery and gloves.

The Republicans had chosen to meet in Chicago. A new convention hall called the "Wigwam" had been constructed for the occasion. The first ballot was not due to be called until 10 a.m. and Lincoln, although patient by nature, was visibly "nervous, fidgety, and intensely excited." With an outside chance to secure the Republican nomination for the highest office of the land, he was unable to focus on his work. Even under ordinary circumstances many would have found concentration difficult in the untidy office Lincoln shared with his younger partner, William Herndon. Two worktables, piled high with papers and correspondence, formed a T in the center of the room. Additional documents and letters spilled out from the drawers and pigeonholes of an outmoded secretary in the corner. When he needed a particular piece of correspondence, Lincoln had to rifle through disorderly stacks of paper, rummaging, as a last resort, in the lining of his old plug hat, where he often put stray letters or notes.

Restlessly descending to the street, he passed the state capitol building, set back from the road, and the open lot where he played handball with his friends, and climbed a short set of stairs to the office of the Illinois State Journal, the local Republican newspaper. The editorial room on the second floor, with a central large wood-burning stove, was a gathering place for the exchange of news and gossip.

He wandered over to the telegraph office on the north side of the square to see if any new dispatches had come in. There were few outward signs that this was a day of special moment and expectation in the history of Springfield, scant record of any celebration or festivity planned should Lincoln, long their fellow townsman, actually secure the nomination. That he had garnered the support of the Illinois delegation at the state convention at Decatur earlier that month was widely understood to be a "complimentary" gesture. Yet if there were no firm plans to celebrate his dark horse bid, Lincoln knew well the ardor of his staunch circle of friends already at work on his behalf on the floor of the Wigwam.

The hands of the town clock on the steeple of the Baptist church on Adams Street must have seemed not to move. When Lincoln learned that his longtime friend James Conkling had returned unexpectedly from the convention the previous evening, he walked over to Conkling's office above Chatterton's jewelry store. Told that his friend was expected within the hour, he returned to his own quarters, intending to come back as soon as Conkling arrived.

Lincoln's shock of black hair, brown furrowed face, and deep-set eyes made him look older than his fifty-one years. He was a familiar figure to almost everyone in Springfield, as was his singular way of walking, which gave the impression that his long, gaunt frame needed oiling. He plodded forward in an awkward manner, hands hanging at his sides or folded behind his back. His step had no spring, his partner William Herndon recalled. He lifted his whole foot at once rather than lifting from the toes and then thrust the whole foot down on the ground rather than landing on his heel. "His legs," another observer noted, "seemed to drag from the knees down, like those of a laborer going home after a hard day's work."

His features, even supporters conceded, were not such "as belong to a handsome man." In repose, his face was "so overspread with sadness," the reporter Horace White noted, that it seemed as if "Shakespeare's melancholy Jacques had been translated from the forest of Arden to the capital of Illinois." Yet, when Lincoln began to speak, White observed, "this expression of sorrow dropped from him instantly. His face lighted up with a winning smile, and where I had a moment before seen only leaden sorrow I now beheld keen intelligence, genuine kindness of heart, and the promise of true friendship." If his appearance seemed somewhat odd, what captivated admirers, another contemporary observed, was "his winning manner, his ready good humor, and his unaffected kindness and gentleness." Five minutes in his presence, and "you cease to think that he is either homely or awkward."

Springfield had been Lincoln's home for nearly a quarter of a century. He had arrived in the young city to practice law at twenty-eight years old, riding into town, his great friend Joshua Speed recalled, "on a borrowed horse, with no earthly property save a pair of saddle-bags containing a few clothes." The city had grown rapidly, particularly after 1839, when it became the capital of Illinois. By 1860, Springfield boasted nearly ten thousand residents, though its business district, designed to accommodate the expanding population that arrived in town when the legislature was in session, housed thousands more. Ten hotels radiated from the public square where the capitol building stood. In addition, there were multiple saloons and restaurants, seven newspapers, three billiard halls, dozens of retail stores, three military armories, and two railroad depots.

Here in Springfield, in the Edwards mansion on the hill, Lincoln had courted and married "the belle of the town," young Mary Todd, who had come to live with her married sister, Elizabeth, wife of Ninian Edwards, the well-to-do son of the former governor of Illinois. Raised in a prominent Lexington, Kentucky, family, Mary had received an education far superior to most girls her age. For four years she had studied languages and literature in an exclusive boarding school and then spent two additional years in what was considered graduate study. The story is told of Lincoln's first meeting with Mary at a festive party. Captivated by her lively manner, intelligent face, clear blue eyes, and dimpled smile, Lincoln reportedly said, "I want to dance with you in the worst way." And, Mary laughingly told her cousin later that night, "he certainly did." In Springfield, all their children were born, and one was buried. In that spring of 1860, Mary was forty-two, Robert sixteen, William nine, and Thomas seven. Edward, the second son, had died at the age of three.

Their home, described at the time as a modest "two-story frame house, having a wide hall running through the centre, with parlors on both sides," stood close to the street and boasted few trees and no garden. "The adornments were few, but chastely appropriate," one contemporary observer noted. In the center hall stood "the customary little table with a white marble top," on which were arranged flowers, a silver-plated ice-water pitcher, and family photographs. Along the walls were positioned some chairs and a sofa. "Everything," a journalist observed, "tended to represent the home of a man who has battled hard with the fortunes of life, and whose hard experience had taught him to enjoy whatever of success belongs to him, rather in solid substance than in showy display."

During his years in Springfield, Lincoln had forged an unusually loyal circle of friends. They had worked with him in the state legislature, helped him in his campaigns for Congress and the Senate, and now, at this very moment, were guiding his efforts at the Chicago convention, "moving heaven & Earth," they assured him, in an attempt to secure him the nomination. These steadfast companions included David Davis, the Circuit Court judge for the Eighth District, whose three-hundred-pound body was matched by "a big brain and a big heart"; Norman Judd, an attorney for the railroads and chairman of the Illinois Republican state central committee; Leonard Swett, a lawyer from Bloomington who believed he knew Lincoln "as intimately as I have ever known any man in my life"; and Stephen Logan, Lincoln's law partner for three years in the early forties.

Many of these friendships had been forged during the shared experience of the "circuit," the eight weeks each spring and fall when Lincoln and his fellow lawyers journeyed together throughout the state. They shared rooms and sometimes beds in dusty village inns and taverns, spending long evenings gathered together around a blazing fire. The economics of the legal profession in sparsely populated Illinois were such that lawyers had to move about the state in the company of the circuit judge, trying thousands of small cases in order to make a living. The arrival of the traveling bar brought life and vitality to the county seats, fellow rider Henry Whitney recalled. Villagers congregated on the courthouse steps. When the court sessions were complete, everyone would gather in the local tavern from dusk to dawn, sharing drinks, stories, and good cheer.

In these convivial settings, Lincoln was invariably the center of attention. No one could equal his never-ending stream of stories nor his ability to reproduce them with such contagious mirth. As his winding tales became more famous, crowds of villagers awaited his arrival at every stop for the chance to hear a master storyteller. Everywhere he went, he won devoted followers, friendships that later emboldened his quest for office. Political life in these years, the historian Robert Wiebe has observed, "broke down into clusters of men who were bound together by mutual trust." And no political circle was more loyally bound than the band of compatriots working for Lincoln in Chicago.

The prospects for his candidacy had taken wing in 1858 after his brilliant campaign against the formidable Democratic leader, Stephen Douglas, in a dramatic senate race in Illinois that had attracted national attention. Though Douglas had won a narrow victory, Lincoln managed to unite the disparate elements of his state's fledgling Republican Party -- that curious amalgamation of former Whigs, antislavery Democrats, nativists, foreigners, radicals, and conservatives. In the mid-1850s, the Republican Party had come together in state after state in the North with the common goal of preventing the spread of slavery to the territories. "Of strange, discordant, and even, hostile elements," Lincoln proudly claimed, "we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the battle through." The story of Lincoln's rise to power was inextricably linked to the increasing intensity of the antislavery cause. Public feeling on the slavery issue had become so flammable that Lincoln's seven debates with Douglas were carried in newspapers across the land, proving the prairie lawyer from Springfield more than a match for the most likely Democratic nominee for the presidency.

Furthermore, in an age when speech-making prowess was central to political success, when the spoken word filled the air "from sun-up til sun-down," Lincoln's stirring oratory had earned the admiration of a far-flung audience who had either heard him speak or read his speeches in the paper. As his reputation grew, the invitations to speak multiplied. In the year before the convention, he had appeared before tens of thousands of people in Ohio, Iowa, Indiana, Wisconsin, Kentucky, New York, and New England. The pinnacle of his success was reached at Cooper Union in New York, where, on the evening of February 27, 1860, before a zealous crowd of more than fifteen hundred people, Lincoln delivered what the New York Tribune called "one of the happiest and most convincing political arguments ever made in this City" in defense of Republican principles and the need to confine slavery to the places where it already existed. "The vast assemblage frequently rang with cheers and shouts of applause, which were prolonged and intensified at the close. No man ever before made such an impression on his first appeal to a New-York audience."

Lincoln's success in the East bolstered his supporters at home. On May 10, the fired-up Republican state convention at Decatur nominated him for president, labeling him "the Rail Candidate for President" after two fence rails he had supposedly split in his youth were ceremoniously carried into the hall. The following week, the powerful Chicago Press and Tribune formally endorsed Lincoln, arguing that his moderate politics represented the thinking of most people, that he would come into the contest "with no clogs, no embarrassment," an "honest man" who represented all the "fundamentals of Republicanism," with "due respect for the rights of the South."

Still, Lincoln clearly understood that he was "new in the field," that outside of Illinois he was not "the first choice of a very great many." His only political experience on the national level consisted of two failed Senate races and a single term in Congress that had come to an end nearly a dozen years earlier. By contrast, the three other contenders for the nomination were household names in Republican circles. William Henry Seward had been a celebrated senator from New York for more than a decade and governor of his state for two terms before he went to Washington. Ohio's Salmon P. Chase, too, had been both senator and governor, and had played a central role in the formation of the national Republican Party. Edward Bates was a widely respected elder statesman, a delegate to the convention that had framed the Missouri Constitution, and a former congressman whose opinions on national matters were still widely sought.

Recognizing that Seward held a commanding lead at the start, followed by Chase and Bates, Lincoln's strategy was to give offense to no one. He wanted to leave the delegates "in a mood to come to us, if they shall be compelled to give up their first love." This was clearly understood by Lincoln's team in Chicago and by all the delegates whom Judge Davis had commandeered to join the fight. "We are laboring to make you the second choice of all the Delegations we can, where we can't make you first choice," Scott County delegate Nathan Knapp told Lincoln when he first arrived in Chicago. "Keep a good nerve," Knapp advised, "be not surprised at any result -- but I tell you that your chances are not the worst...brace your nerves for any result." Knapp's message was followed by one from Davis himself on the second day of the convention. "Am very hopeful," he warned Lincoln, but "dont be Excited."

The warnings were unnecessary -- Lincoln was, above all, a realist who fully understood that he faced an uphill climb against his better-known rivals. Anxious to get a clearer picture of the situation, he headed back to Conkling's office, hoping that his old friend had returned. This time he was not disappointed. As Conkling later told the story, Lincoln stretched himself upon an old settee that stood by the front window, "his head on a cushion and his feet over the end," while Conkling related all he had seen and heard in the previous two days before leaving the Wigwam. Conkling told Lincoln that Seward was in trouble, that he had enemies not only in other states but at home in New York. If Seward was not nominated on the first ballot, Conkling predicted, Lincoln would be the nominee.

Lincoln replied that "he hardly thought this could be possible and that in case Mr. Seward was not nominated on the first ballot, it was his judgment that Mr. Chase of Ohio or Mr. Bates of Missouri would be the nominee." Conkling disagreed, citing reasons why each of those two candidates would have difficulty securing the nomination. Assessing the situation with his characteristic clearheadedness, Lincoln could not fail to perceive some truth in what his friend was saying; yet having tasted so many disappointments, he saw no benefit in letting his hopes run wild. "Well, Conkling," he said slowly, pulling his long frame up from the settee, "I believe I will go back to my office and practice law."

? ? ?

While Lincoln struggled to sustain his hopes against the likelihood of failure, William Henry Seward was in the best of spirits. He had left Washington three days earlier to repair to his hometown of Auburn, New York, situated in the Finger Lakes Region of the most populous state of the Union, to share the anticipated Republican nomination in the company of family and friends.

Nearly sixty years old, with the vitality and appearance of a man half his age, Seward typically rose at 6 a.m. when first light slanted into the bedroom window of his twenty-room country home. Rising early allowed him time to complete his morning constitutional through his beloved garden before the breakfast bell was rung. Situated on better than five acres of land, the Seward mansion was surrounded by manicured lawns, elaborate gardens, and walking paths that wound beneath elms, mountain ash, evergreens, and fruit trees. Decades earlier, Seward had supervised the planting of every one of these trees, which now numbered in the hundreds. He had spent thousands of hours fertilizing and cultivating his flowering shrubs. With what he called "a lover's interest," he inspected them daily. His horticultural passion was in sharp contrast to Lincoln's lack of interest in planting trees or growing flowers at his Springfield home. Having spent his childhood laboring long hours on his father's struggling farm, Lincoln found little that was romantic or recreational about tilling the soil.

When Seward "came in to the table," his son Frederick recalled, "he would announce that the hyacinths were in bloom, or that the bluebirds had come, or whatever other change the morning had brought." After breakfast, he typically retired to his book-lined study to enjoy the precious hours of uninterrupted work before his doors opened to the outer world. The chair on which he sat was the same one he had used in the Governor's Mansion in Albany, designed specially for him so that everything he needed could be right at hand. It was, he joked, his "complete office," equipped not only with a writing arm that swiveled back and forth but also with a candleholder and secret drawers to keep his inkwells, pens, treasured snuff box, and the ashes of the half-dozen or more cigars he smoked every day. "He usually lighted a cigar when he sat down to write," Fred recalled, "slowly consuming it as his pen ran rapidly over the page, and lighted a fresh one when that was exhausted."

Midmorning of the day of the nomination, a large cannon was hauled from the Auburn Armory into the park. "The cannoneers were stationed at their posts," the local paper reported, "the fire lighted, the ammunition ready, and all waiting for the signal, to make the city and county echo to the joyful news" that was expected to unleash the most spectacular public celebration the city had ever known. People began gathering in front of Seward's house. As the hours passed, the crowds grew denser, spilling over into all the main streets of Auburn. The revelers were drawn from their homes in anticipation of the grand occasion and by the lovely spring weather, welcome after the severe, snowy winters Auburn endured that often isolated the small towns and cities of the region for days at a time. Visitors had come by horse and carriage from the surrounding villages, from Seneca Falls and Waterloo to the west, from Skaneateles to the east, from Weedsport to the north. Local restaurants had stocked up with food. Banners were being prepared, flags were set to be raised, and in the basement of the chief hotel, hundreds of bottles of champagne stood ready to be uncorked.

A festive air pervaded Auburn, for the vigorous senator was admired by almost everyone in the region, not only for his political courage, unquestioned integrity, and impressive intellect but even more for his good nature and his genial disposition. A natural politician, Seward was genuinely interested in people, curious about their families and the smallest details of their lives, anxious to help with their problems. As a public man he possessed unusual resilience, enabling him to accept criticism with good-humored serenity.

Even the Democratic paper, the New York Herald, conceded that probably fewer than a hundred of Auburn's ten thousand residents would vote against Seward if he received the nomination. "He is beloved by all classes of people, irrespective of partisan predilections," the Herald observed. "No philanthropic or benevolent movement is suggested without receiving his liberal and thoughtful assistance....As a landlord he is kind and lenient; as an advisor he is frank and reliable; as a citizen he is enterprising and patriotic; as a champion of what he considers to be right he is dauntless and intrepid."

Seward customarily greeted personal friends at the door and was fond of walking them through his tree-lined garden to his white summerhouse. Though he stood only five feet six inches tall, with a slender frame that young Henry Adams likened to that of a scarecrow, he was nonetheless, Adams marveled, a commanding figure, an outsize personality, a "most glorious original" against whom larger men seemed smaller. People were drawn to this vital figure with the large, hawklike nose, bushy eyebrows, enormous ears; his hair, once bright red, had faded now to the color of straw. His step, in contrast to Lincoln's slow and laborious manner of walking, had a "school-boy elasticity" as he moved from his garden to his house and back again with what one reporter described as a "slashing swagger."

Every room of his palatial home contained associations from earlier days, mementos of previous triumphs. The slim Sheraton desk in the hallway had belonged to a member of the First Constitutional Congress in 1789. The fireplace in the parlor had been crafted by the young carpenter Brigham Young, later prophet of the Mormon Church. The large Thomas Cole painting in the drawing room depicting Portage Falls had been presented to Seward in commemoration of his early efforts to extend the canal system in New York State. Every inch of wall space was filled with curios and family portraits executed by the most famous artists of the day -- Thomas Sully, Chester Harding, Henry Inman. Even the ivy that grew along the pathways and up the garden trellises had an anecdotal legacy, having been cultivated at Sir Walter Scott's home in Scotland and presented to Seward by Washington Irving.

As he perused the stack of telegrams and newspaper articles arriving from Chicago for the past week, Seward had every reason to be confident. Both Republican and Democratic papers agreed that "the honor in question was [to be] awarded by common expectation to the distinguished Senator from the State of New York, who, more than any other, was held to be the representative man of his party, and who, by his commanding talents and eminent public services, has so largely contributed to the development of its principles." The local Democratic paper, the Albany Atlas and Argus, was forced to concede: "No press has opposed more consistently and more unreservedly than ours the political principles of Mr. Seward....But we have recognised the genius and the leadership of the man."

So certain was Seward of receiving the nomination that the weekend before the convention opened he had already composed a first draft of the valedictory speech he expected to make to the Senate, assuming that he would resign his position as soon as the decision in Chicago was made. Taking leave of his Senate colleagues, with whom he had labored through the tumultuous fifties, he had returned to Auburn, the place, he once said, he loved and admired more than any other -- more than Albany, where he had served four years in the state senate and two terms as governor as a member of the Whig Party; more than the U.S. Senate chamber, where he had represented the leading state of the Union for nearly twelve years; more than any city in any of the four continents in which he had traveled extensively.

Auburn was the only place, he claimed, where he was left "free to act in an individual and not in a representative and public character," the only place where he felt "content to live, and content, when life's fitful fever shall be over, to die." Auburn was a prosperous community in the 1860s, with six schoolhouses, thirteen churches, seven banks, eleven newspapers, a woolen mill, a candle factory, a state prison, a fine hotel, and more than two hundred stores. Living on the northern shore of Owasco Lake, seventy-eight miles east of Rochester, the citizens took pride in the orderly layout of its streets, adorned by handsome rows of maples, elms, poplars, and sycamores.

Seward had arrived in Auburn as a graduate of Union College in Schenectady, New York. Having completed his degree with highest honors and finished his training for the bar, he had come to practice law with Judge Elijah Miller, the leading citizen of Cayuga County. It was in Judge Miller's country house that Seward had courted and married Frances Miller, the judge's intelligent, well-educated daughter. Frances was a tall, slender, comely woman, with large black eyes, an elegant neck, and a passionate commitment to women's rights and the antislavery cause. She was Seward's intellectual equal, a devoted wife and mother, a calming presence in his stormy life. In this same house, where he and Frances had lived since their marriage, five children were born -- Augustus, a graduate of West Point who was now serving in the military; Frederick, who had embarked on a career in journalism and served as his father's private secretary in Washington; Will Junior, who was just starting out in business; and Fanny, a serious-minded girl on the threshold of womanhood, who loved poetry, read widely, kept a daily journal, and hoped someday to be a writer. A second daughter, Cornelia, had died in 1837 at four months.

Seward had been slow to take up the Republican banner, finding it difficult to abandon his beloved Whig Party. His national prominence ensured that he became the new party's chief spokesman the moment he joined its ranks. Seward, Henry Adams wrote, "would inspire a cow with statesmanship if she understood our language." The young Republican leader Carl Schurz later recalled that he and his friends idealized Seward and considered him the "leader of the political anti-slavery movement. From him we received the battle-cry in the turmoil of the contest, for he was one of those spirits who sometimes will go ahead of public opinion instead of tamely following its footprints."

In a time when words, communicated directly and then repeated in newspapers, were the primary means of communication between a political leader and the public, Seward's ability to "compress into a single sentence, a single word, the whole issue of a controversy" would irrevocably, and often dangerously, create a political identity. Over the years, his ringing phrases, calling upon a "higher law" than the Constitution that commanded men to freedom, or the assertion that the collision between the North and South was "an irrepressible conflict," became, as the young Schurz noted, "the inscriptions on our banners, the pass-words of our combatants." But those same phrases had also alarmed Republican moderates, especially in the West. It was rhetoric, more than substance, that had stamped Seward as a radical -- for his actual positions in 1860 were not far from the center of the Republican Party.

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About the authors

Doris Kearns Goodwin

Doris Kearns Goodwin

DORIS KEARNS GOODWIN’s interest in leadership began more than half a century ago as a professor at Harvard. Her experiences working for LBJ in the White House and later assisting him on his memoirs led to her bestselling Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream. She followed up with the Pulitzer Prize–winning No Ordinary Time: Franklin & Eleanor Roosevelt: The Home Front in World War II. Goodwin earned the Lincoln Prize for the runaway bestseller Team of Rivals, the basis for Steven Spielberg’s Academy Award-winning film Lincoln, and the Carnegie Medal for The Bully Pulpit, the New York Times bestselling chronicle of the friendship between Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. She lives in Concord, Massachusetts, with her husband, the writer Richard N. Goodwin. More at www.doriskearnsgoodwin.com @DorisKGoodwin

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Reviews

Customer reviews

4.8 out of 5

9,367 global ratings

DantheMan

DantheMan

5

Special Book, a Joy to Read

Reviewed in the United States on December 4, 2018

Verified Purchase

This is a special book. There is no other way to say it. I cannot imagine the hours, the years, the research, the extensive compiling and organization it must have taken Goodwin to write this masterpiece. Over the last two months I have been plodding through this Pulitzer prize winning book, enjoying every detail, savoring every character—in what has to be one of my favorite periods of American history. Goodwin is a very good writer and because the book is so laden with direct source material, I feel assured that she is giving nothing more than the full flavor of Lincoln and the figures that composed his cabinet.

Team of Rivals traces the story of Lincoln (primarily), Bates, Seward, and Chase—all political figures running for the 1860 Republican Presidential nomination. After Lincoln shockingly won the nomination, he assembled these three “rivals” as the primary cogs of his cabinet, key players who would prove indispensable throughout the most turbulent period in our nation’s history. Goodwin also brings us up to speed on other key players of the times: Secretary of Navy Welles, Secretary of War Stanton (my personal favorite), General McClellan, General Grant, Senator Sumner, Mary Lincoln, Republican Operative Thurlow Weed…etc.

Goodwin does a biographical sketch of each key figure and, most importantly, the unlikely rise to power of the “rail splitter,” Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln peaked politically at the right time, and though he was less accomplished than his opponents for the nomination he was active in the build up to the election. With only one congressional term under his belt, his highly publicized debates with Stephen Douglas over the divisive issue of slavery were paramount to his quick rise. Furthermore, Lincoln’s patience and delayed gratification in years prior were foundational to him gaining allies necessary for the 1860 upset.

There are many, many leadership gems throughout this book. I actually cannot imagine a better way to learn leadership than through well-written history of great leaders of the past. Here are some qualities we can learn from Abraham Lincoln:

We can learn from Lincoln’s caution: not impulsively making a decision or taking a public stance before we are sure it is the correct approach. Though often criticized for being late to the party on the progressive issue of slavery, once Lincoln made up his mind there was no looking back. This resolution and determination to “see it to the end” once a decision had been made was key to Lincoln’s success throughout the war.

We can learn from Lincoln’s magnanimity. Lincoln had an overwhelming ability to overlook offense and personal slights, to the point where I was frustrated with his longsuffering treatment of General McClellan. I found his handling of the gifted yet difficult Secretary Chase humorous. The ambitious Chase was not-so-subtly trying to undermine Lincoln in order that he would be able to take the Presidency in the next term. While Lincoln was well aware of this, he recognized Chase to be indispensable to the war effort as Secretary of Treasury. Three times Lincoln denied Chase’s resignation and continually pandered to his easily wounded and offended ego. Lincoln even nominated Chase to Chief Justice of the Supreme Court after he eventually accepted his resignation from the office of the treasury, which showed a practically inhuman ability to overlook personal animosity.

We can learn from Lincoln’s love for people and his empathy. Lincoln had a profound capability to connect with people, to share in the sorrows of others, to form a bond with constituents. His speeches, while loaded with precise logic our modern times may struggle to keep pace with, had a unique ability to connect with the common, everyday man through his frequent illustrations, idioms, and stories. People were attracted to Lincoln; they were assured of his goodwill. Suffice it to say, the guy was likeable.

We can learn from Lincoln’s ways of coping with stress. While the war weighed heavily on him and took a shocking emotional toll (not to mention it overlapping with the death of his beloved son), Lincoln found healthy ways to deal with the inner turmoil. He went to plays at the local theaters frequently. He had close friendships with other men (Seward, Hay), which consisted of plenty of late night conversations and light hearted debates. These relationships allowed him to frequently share his stories and good natured humor, which helped check the internal anguish he was experiencing.

We can learn from Lincoln’s welcome of opposing viewpoints. Lincoln loved debate. He relished the iron sharpening experience brought by opposition. Instead of being daunted by a cabinet full of politically ambitious, superiorly educated and experienced men than he, Lincoln welcomed the often lively pushback. Yet, he was never intimidated by them, nor did his will repeatedly bend to the wishes of such celebrated politicians. Lincoln was his own man, and he had a deep confidence in his own aptitude for the job as well as his own ideas. While many expected key figures in the cabinet to perhaps control the Presidency by proxy, Lincoln would remain the President through and through—a fact his cabinet came to recognize rather quickly.

The Civil War era captivates me. I cannot quite place my finger on it: the times are romantic and desperate, filled with immense tragedy and yet bold triumph. There is the issue of profound morality at stake, and yet the War remains drastically convoluted and nuanced. While I have read books on some generals and battles—I had not yet received an exclusively political perspective. Team of Rivals took me there, placed me in that time among these larger than life statesmen, in the greatest upheaval in our nation’s history. For that I am thankful.

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Dan Wallace

Dan Wallace

5

The Leader For The Times

Reviewed in the United States on July 24, 2013

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This is the best biography I've read to date. My colleague J Forrest told me this is the top book on leadership. My words that follow are more a report on Lincoln the leader than a critique of Doris Kearns Goodwin the author. That said, Goodwin has written a volume with the texture of a novel, filled with scenic details and perceptive insights into the complex interrelationships among Lincoln's family, friends, cabinet and generals. The 757 pages passed with ease. This is a great book.

Lincoln seems an improbable president. Born in poverty and confronted with multiple miseries, setbacks and failures, he came to reunite a divided nation. Using stealth and skill to engineer an upset Republican nomination, Lincoln persuaded the emotionally bruised rivals he bested (William Seward, Salmon Chase and Edward Bates) to take key cabinet positions after he won the election of 1860. He later placed Edwin Stanton, a man who humiliated Lincoln when he was an Illinois lawyer, into the key position of Secretary of War. These actions were misinterpreted by some Easterners as the folly of an inept Western rube, but in time the nation and his fractious cabinet came to see that Lincoln was the indispensable person.

Critics point out that Lincoln made political and military mistakes and openly displayed prejudice and racism during the Lincoln-Douglas debates in the 1850s. These counts are true. Lincoln also bent the truth at times. The author clearly idealizes Lincoln and gives short shrift to his faults. At the same time, a skilled historical biographer looks at a person within the context of their times and does not judge them through the lens of the current age. Additionally, all leaders make mistakes, particularly in times of crisis.

From what I read in this book, Lincoln seems to be a proto-pragmatists, the distinctive American philosophy that is well rendered in "The Metaphysical Club." Lincoln was able to balance Idealism with what could be done and what he knew at the time. As facts and conditions changed, Lincoln changed. His signature talent seemed to be an ability to learn, create and grow. His virtues were many, including: integrity, wisdom, empathy, forgiveness, friendliness, storytelling, logic and the long view.

The question of why Lincoln became such a great leader is the most intriguing issue in my mind. Team of Rivals gives hints. Overcoming traumatic early life can give some people the skills to deal with great difficulties later on, and Goodwin paints a bleak early life for Lincoln. He transformed himself through books, contemplation of higher ideals, work, friendship and humor. Lincoln's time as a lawyer riding the circuit seems important as well, providing experiences that displayed a full range of human nature. Lincoln's circuit riding days also put him in daily contact with the best and brightest in Illinois, attorneys he would argue against during the day and share stories, jokes and philosophies with at night. Lincoln abstained from tobacco and alcohol, indicating self control and independence of mind. The most interesting clue to his leadership ability was Lincoln's belief, contrary to the popular opinion of the times, that there is no afterlife, and that the only way a person can live on is through great deeds that earn the respect and memory of future generations. Lincoln sought a great struggle to give meaning and purpose to his life. The Civil War provided the great act he was seeking and it also ended his life. But Lincoln's memory lives on.

When I visited the Hart Senate Building in DC, a painting of Lincoln hung in then Senator Obama's reception area. History connects these two men. Team of Rivals also gives new meaning to my visits to Springfield, The Lincoln Memorial, Gettysburg, Jefferson's Monticello and the Southern White House in Richmond. The legacy of the Civil War still reverberates in American society and this book helps explain why.

Team Of Rivals is instructive and inspiring. It provides insight into America, democracy, politics, military strategy and the Civil War. Most of all Team Of Rivals illuminates the amazing leadership of Abraham Lincoln.

Here are some other biographical works I've enjoyed . . .

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O. Halabieh

O. Halabieh

5

Leadership Genius Exemplified

Reviewed in the United States on March 1, 2014

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Below are key excerpts from the book that I found particularly insightful:

1- "This, then, is a story of Lincoln's political genius revealed through his extraordinary array of personal qualities that enabled him to form friendships with men who had previously opposed him; to repair injured feelings that, left untended, might have escalated into permanent hostility; to assume responsibility for the failures of subordinates; to share credit with ease; and to learn from mistakes. He possessed an acute understanding of the sources of power inherent in the presidency, an unparalleled ability to keep his governing coalition intact, a tough-minded appreciation of the need to protect his presidential prerogatives, and a masterful sense of timing. His success in dealing with the strong egos of the men in his cabinet suggests that in the hands of a truly great politician the qualities we generally associate with we generally associate with decency and morality—kindness, sensitivity, compassion, honesty, and empathy—can also be impressive political resources...To be sure, he had a melancholy temperament, most likely imprinted on him from birth. But melancholy differs from depression. It is not an illness; it does not proceed from a specific cause; it is an aspect of one's nature. It has been recognized by artists and writers for centuries as a potential source of creativity and achievement. Moreover, Lincoln possessed an uncanny understanding of his shifting moods, a profound self-awareness that enabled him to find constructive ways to alleviate sadness and stress. Indeed, when he is compared with his colleagues, it is clear that he possessed the most even-tempered disposition of them all. Time and again, he was the one who dispelled his colleagues' anxiety and sustained their spirits with his gift for storytelling and his life-affirming sense of humor. When resentment and contention threatened destroy his administration, he refused to be provoked by petty grievances, to submit to jealousy, or to brood over perceived slights. Through the appalling pressures he faced day after day, he retained an unflagging faith in his country's cause."

2- "In these convivial settings, Lincoln was invariably the center of attention. No one could equal his never-ending stream of stories nor his ability to reproduce them with such contagious mirth. As his winding tales became more famous, crowds of villagers awaited his arrival at every stop for the chance to hear a master storyteller."

3- "It was a country for young men. "We find ourselves," the twenty-eight year-old Lincoln told the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, "in the peaceful possession, of the fairest portion of the earth, as regards extent of territory, fertility of soil, and salubrity of climate." The founding fathers had crafted a government more favorable to liberty "than any of which the history of former times tells us." Now it was up to their children to serve and expand the great experiment."

4- "Lincoln's early intimacy with traffic loss reinforced a melancholy temperament. Yet his familiarity with pain and personal disappointment imbued him with a strength and understanding of human frailty unavailable to a man of Seward's buoyant disposition. Moreover, Lincoln, unlike the brooding Chase, possessed a life-affirming humor and a profound resilience that lightened his despair and fortified his will."

5- "Books became his academy, his college. The printed word united his mind with the great minds of generations past. Relatives and neighbors recalled that he scoured the countryside for books and read every volume "he could lay his hands on." At a time when ownership of books remained "a luxury for those Americans living outside the purview of the middle class," gaining access to reading material proved difficult. When Lincoln obtained copies of the King James Bible, John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, Aesop's Fables, and William Scott's Lessons in Elocution, he could not contain his excitement. Holding Pilmm's Process in his hands, "his eyes sparkled. and that day he could not eat, and that night he could not sleep." When printing was first invented, Lincoln would later write, "the great mass of men ... were utterly unconscious, that their conditions, or their minds were capable of improvement." To liberate "the mind from this false and under-estimate of itself, is the great task which printing came into the world to perform." He was, of course, also speaking of himself, of the transforming liberation of a young boy unlocking the miraculous mysteries of language, discovering a world of possibilities in the small log cabin on the frontier that he later called "as unpoetical as any spot of the earth."...He read and reread the Bible and Aesop's Fables so many times that years later he could recite whole passages and entire stories from memory. Through Scott's Lessons in Elocution, he first encountered selections from Shakespeare's plays, inspiring a love for the great dramatist's writings long before he ever saw a play. He borrowed a volume of the Revised Statutes of Indiana from the local constable, a work that contained the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Northwest Ordinance of 1787— documents that would become foundation stones of his philosophical and political thought."

6- "What Lincoln lacked in preparation and guidance, he made up for v^itl his daunting concentration, phenomenal memory, acute reasoning faculties, and interpretive penetration. Though untutored in the sciences and the classics, he was able to read and reread his books until he understood the classics, he was able to read and reread his books until he understood them fully. "Get the books, and read and study them," he told a law student seeking advice in 1855. It did not matter, he continued, whether the reading be done in a small town or a large city, by oneself or in the company of Others. "The books, and your capacity for understanding them, are just the same in all places— Always bear in mind that your own resolution to succeed, is more important than any other one thing."

7- "Though Lincoln's empathy was at the root of his melancholy it would prove an enormous asset to his political career. "His crowning gift of political diagnosis," suggested Nicolay, "was due to his sympathy... which gave him the power to forecast with uncanny accuracy what his opponents were likely to do." She described how, after listening to his colleagues talk were likely to do." She described how, after listening to his colleagues talk at a Whig Party caucus, Lincoln would cast off his shawl, rise from his at a Whig Party caucus, Lincoln would cast off his shawl, rise from his chair, and say: "From your talk, I gather the Democrats will do so and so ... I should do so and so to checkmate them." He proceeded to outline all "the moves for days ahead; making them all so plain that his listeners wondered why they had not seen it that way themselves." Such capacity to intuit the inward feelings and intentions of others would be manifest throughout his career."

8- "Lincoln's ability to win the respect of others, to earn their trust and even devotion, would prove essential in his rise to power. There was something mysterious m his persona that led countless men, even old adversaries, to feel bound to him in admiration."

9- "Chance, positioning, and managerial s strategy—all played a role in Lincoln's victory. Still, if we consider the comparative resources each contender brought to the race—-their range of political skills, their emotional. intellectual, and moral qualities, their rhetorical abilities, and their determination and willingness to work hard—it is clear that when opportunity beckoned. Lincoln was the best prepared to answer the call. His nomination, finally, was the result of his character and his life experiences—these separated him from his rivals and provided him with advantages unrecognized at the time. Having risen to power with fewer privileges than any of his rivals, Lincoln was more accustomed to rely upon himself to shape events. From beginning to end, he took the greatest control of the process leading up to the nomination."

10- "At the same time, his native caution and precision with language—he rarely said more than he was sure about, rarely pandered to his various audiences—gave Lincoln great advantages over his rivals, each of whom tried to reposition himself in the months before the convention...Though Lincoln desired success as fiercely as any of his i rivals, he did not allow his quest for office to consume the kindness and openheartedness with which he treated supporters and rivals alike, nor alter his steady commitment to the antislavery cause."

11- "Later, Joseph Medill of the Chicago Tribune asked Lincoln why he had chosen a cabinet comprised of enemies and opponents. He particularly questioned the president's selection of the three men who had been his chief rivals for the Republican nomination, each of whom was still smarting from the loss. Lincoln's answer was simple, straightforward, and shrewd. "We needed the strongest men of the party in the Cabinet. We needed to hold our own people together. I had looked the party over and concluded that these were the very strongest men. Then I had no right to deprive the country of their services.""

12- "To Lincoln's mind, the battle to save the Union contained an even larger purpose than ending slavery, which was after all sanctioned by the very Constitution he was sworn to uphold. "I consider the central idea pervading this struggle," he told Hay in early May, "is the necessity that is upon us, of proving that popular government is not an absurdity. We must settle this question now, whether in a free government the minority have the right to break up the government whenever they choose. If we fail it win go far to prove the incapability of the people to govern themselves.""

13- "Lincoln had long believed, as we have seen, that "with public sentiment, nothing can fail; without it nothing can succeed." He understood that one of the principal stumbling blocks in the way of emancipation was the pervasive fear shared by whites in both the North and the South that the two races could never coexist peacefully in a free society. He thought that a plan for the voluntary emigration of freed slaves would allay some of these fears, fostering wider acceptance of his proclamation."

14- ""Abraham Lincoln, will take no step backward." Intuitively grasping Lincoln's character. though they were not yet personally acquainted, Douglass explained that "Abraham Lincoln may be slow... but Abraham Lincoln is not the man to reconsider, retract and contradict words and purposes solemnly proclaimed over his official signature...If he has taught us to confide in nothing else, he has taught us to confide in his word." Lincoln confirmed this assessment when he told Massachusetts congressman George Boutwell, "My word is out to these people, and I can't take it back.""

15- ""I never, in my life, felt more certain that I was doing right, than I do in signing this paper," he said. "If my name ever goes into history it will be for this act, and my whole soul is in it." His arm was "stiff and numb" from shaking hands for three hours, however. "If my hand trembles when I sign the Proclamation," Lincoln said, "all who examine the document hereafter will say, 'He hesitated.' " So the president waited a moment and then took up the pen once more, "slowly and carefully" writing his name. "The signature proved to be unusually bold, clear, and firm, even for him," Fred Seward recalled, "and a laugh followed, at his apprehensions." The secretary of state added his own name and carried it back to the State Department, where the great seal of the United States was affixed before copies were sent out to the press."

16- "Asked months later by a radical to "suppress the infamous 'Chicago Times,' " Lincoln told her, "I fear you do not fully comprehend the danger of abridging the liberties of the people. Nothing but the very sternest necessity can ever justify it. A government had better go to the very extreme of toleration, than to do aught that could be construed into an interference with, or to jeopardize in any degree, the common rights of its citizens.""

17- "Herein, Swett concluded, lay the secret to Lincoln's gifted leadership. "It was by ignoring men, and ignoring all small causes, but by closely calculating the tendencies of events and the great forces which were producing logical results." John Forney of the Washington Daily Chronicle observed the same judgment and timing, arguing that Lincoln was "the most truly progressive man of the age, because he always moves in conjunction with propitious circumstances, not waiting to be dragged by the force of events or wasting strength in premature struggles with them."

18- "Four score and seven years ago," he began, our fathers brought forth upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are sated equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived, and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives, that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground. The brave men, living i and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor Dower to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here, have, thus far, so nobly advanced, d. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that, government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth."

19- "Discipline and keen insight had once again served Lincoln most effectively. By regulating his emotions and resisting the impulse to strike back at Chase when the circular first became known, he gained time for his friends to mobilize the massive latent support for his candidacy. Chase's aspirations were crushed without Lincoln's direct intrusion."

20- "He gave voice to these ideals in late August with an emotional address to the men of an Ohio regiment returning home to their families. "I happen temporarily to occupy this big White House," he said. "I am a living witness that any one of your children may look to come here as my father's child has. It is in order that each of you may have through tills free government which we have enjoyed, an open field and a fair chance for your industry, enterprise and intelligence; that you may all have equal privileges in the race of life, with all its desirable human aspirations. It is for this the struggle should be maintained, that we may not lose our birthright.... The nation is worth fighting for, to secure such an inestimable jewel.""

21- "Drawing upon the rare wisdom of a temperament that consistently displayed uncommon magnanimity toward those who opposed him, he then issued his historic plea to his fellow countrymen: "With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shah have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan—to do all which may achieve and cherish a just. and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.""

22- "The editors of the Mercury would have been even more astonished if they had an inkling of the truth recognized by those closer to Lincoln: his political genius was not simply his ability to gather the best men of the country around him, but to impress upon them his own purpose, perception, and resolution at every juncture. With respect to Lincoln's cabinet. Charles Dana observed, "it was always plain that he was the master and they were the subordinates. They constantly had to yield to his will, and if he ever yielded to them it was because they convinced him that the course they advised was judicious and appropriate.""

23- "At 7:22 a.m., April 15, 1865, Abraham Lincoln was pronounced dead. Stanton's concise tribute from his deathbed still echoes. "Now he belongs to the ages.""

24- ""Washington was a typical American. Napoleon was a typical Frenchman, but Lincoln was a humanitarian as broad as the world. He was bigger than his country—bigger than all the Presidents together. We are still too near to his greatness," Tolstoy concluded, "but after a few centuries more our posterity will find him considerably bigger than we do. His genius is still too strong and too powerful for the common understanding, just as the sun is too hot when its light beams directly on us."

25- "The ambition to establish a reputation worthy of the esteem of his fellows so that his story could be told after his death had carried Lincoln through his bleak childhood, his laborious efforts to educate himself, his string of political failures, and a depression so profound that he declared himself more than willing to die, except that "he had done nothing to make any human being remember that he had lived." An indomitable sense of purpose had sustained him through the disintegration of the Union and through the darkest months of the war, when he was called upon again and again to rally his disheartened countrymen. soothe the animosity of his generals, and mediate among members of his often contentious administration. His conviction that we are one nation, indivisible, "conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal," led to the rebirth of a union free of slavery. And he expressed this conviction in a language of enduring clarity and beauty, exhibiting a literary genius to match his political genius. With his death, Abraham Lincoln had come to seem the embodiment of his own words—"With malice toward none; with charity for all" voiced in his second inaugural to lay out the visionary pathway to a reconstructed union. The deathless name he sought from the start had grown far beyond Sangamon County and Illinois, reached across the truly United States, until his legacy, as Stanton had surmised at the moment of his death, belonged not only to America but to the ages—to be revered and sung throughout all time."

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Gene Morphis

Gene Morphis

5

Add this Great Work to Your History Bookshelf

Reviewed in the United States on September 4, 2012

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The more I study American history, the more I realize how little I really know. I just completed Doris Kearns Goodwin's Team of Rivals in which she explores the inter-workings, personalities and politics of the Lincoln administration. Every American schoolboy or schoolgirl knows that Lincoln presided over the most difficult period in American history save the George Washington era. Most know that he struggled with a series of second rate generals until Grant emerged. And that he was tragically assassinated just as the War Between the States ended. But how many of us know that many of the cabinet members opposed Lincoln in the primary? That many of those thought he was unqualified for the office? That one of them - Salmon Chase - actually tried to build support to oppose Lincoln in the 1864 election? Or that Lincoln's opponent in 1864 was former General McClelland, who so famously failed to take advantage of his superior numbers early in the war. Or that the Democratic Party had a substantial "peace wing" that was prepared to negotiate an end to the war in 1864 that would not have required the freeing of slaves? Or that his first love was one Ann Rutledge, who he undoubtedly would have asked to marry, however, she died very young, sending young Lincoln into a deep lasting depression. He was in such despair that friends feared for his life. The book summarizes his early life, but really begins with Lincoln as a young lawyer in Illinois, and tracks his career, which had numerous, severe setbacks, through his very clever strategy to win the 1860 nomination, up to his assassination. My admiration at Lincoln's talents only grew as I read this work. I had no understanding of his deep political skills but Goodwin brings out his knowledge of human nature, ability to connect to people, and his careful analysis of the landscape that let him out-maneuver rivals. The book is appropriately subtitled The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln, with his plain appearance, lack of a formal education (he was almost entirely self-taught, quite literally reading with candlelight after long hard days of farm labor), from the humblest of situations, was consistently underestimated by the press, rivals and even foreign governments. To a certain extent he probably used that to his advantage. Widely disparaged in the press and by political opponents as "that rail splitter from Illinois" as the Presidential election unfolded, and even more in the early days of his administration, by the end of the war, "rail splitter" was a term of admiration and endearment. Of course, as the title suggests, he was also able to overlook, not just slights, but harsh, demeaning rhetoric from rivals to recruit the best possible Cabinet ministers. (As an aside, one forgets how the Cabinet has exploded in membership - his consisted only of a handful, including War, Interior, Treasury, Attorney General, State and Postmaster General. It is probably time to downsize our current Cabinet). Many were reluctant recruits, believing that they were far more qualified to be President than Lincoln. Over the next five years however, he earned their respect, trust, and confidence and to a man they came to the realization that he was one of the greatest Presidents. One of the interesting facets of Abraham Lincoln was his spirituality. He was clearly a Bible scholar. His mother provided most of his early education, in part by reading scripture. He was seen on numerous occasions, including during his Presidency, studying his Bible, and could quote scripture - including some fairly obscure passages, at will. We can assume that he believed in God, however, it isn't nearly so clear that he believed in an afterlife. To her credit, Ms. Goodwin does not speculate on what would have happened in a Lincoln second term. He made it crystal clear that he was completely opposed to a vindictive approach to the conquered South. His death put (only barely qualified) Andrew Johnson into the office. One can question whether there was anyone who could have stepped in to follow the brilliant and immensely capable Lincoln and succeeded, but it certainly was not Johnson. Lincoln's death was a tragedy for the country, quite possibly for two generations, as the incredibly corrupt Reconstruction, rise of segregation and the Ku Klux Klan ensued. When I read this kind of wide-ranging history, with references to hundreds of diary entries, letters, speeches, etc. I marvel at the time it must take to write such a work. Ms. Goodwin, in her notes, mentions 10 years of research. But she is not just a great researcher, she is a great story teller. This could have been dry and dull but it is the opposite - great history and a great read.

Highly recommended.

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Eric P. Duplantis

Eric P. Duplantis

4

Proud to be an American

Reviewed in the United States on November 17, 2005

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The study of American History, particularly in political biographies like those written by Ms. Kerns Goodwin, enables one to understand (1) what a great nation we have created and (2) what made us so great. Lincoln actually believed in the promise of the Declaration of Independence. He believed in the United States of America.

Ms. Kerns Goodwin's new biography of our country's greatest president demonstrates how Lincoln used his intellectual and political skills, as well as his moral strength, to preserve the union and the idea of a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Reading Team of Rivals makes one proud to be an American. We are Americans today because of Abraham Lincoln.

Kerns Goodwin's scholarship in this book is impeccable. The 120 pages of endnotes of primary and secondary material will be treasured by historians for many years to come. But she also writes a very readable story, accessible to the general public. This book on the political genius of Lincoln answers in the positive the question of "Do we really need another book on Lincoln?"

Goodwin gives us a fresh view of Mr. Lincoln's incredible self-confidence, political acumen and self-sacrifice. Most importantly, she defines him with all his faults and mistakes by his greatest asset -- his leadership. Lincoln could absorb a tremendous amount of criticism, some just some unjust, without taking it personally. After reading this book one comes away with an even greater admiration of Mr. Lincoln.

The literary device of telling the same story (Lincoln's life) through the eyes of four of his "rivals" is quite clever. It allows a more comprehensive analysis of his presidency by opening up historical resources previously unavailable, such as the letters and journals of these rivals and their friends and families.

Kerns Goodwin's Lincoln is not a marble man. She fully exposes his weaknesses and mistakes. She addresses how a man who loved liberty violated the constitution under the stress of war and how his views on racial equality were not only deficient by today's standards but fell far short of those of many in his own Republican party, including one of his rivals Salmon Chase.

This book will not please contemporary confederate apologists or those who feel that Lincoln's racial views makes him unworthy of his high esteem in American History. Ms. Kerns Goodwin's Lincoln is worthy of our admiration today because while he was not perfect, he was right in his essential core belief that the promise of the founders of our country could survive only under one united nation.

"Team of Rivals" contains a very good book, as its subtitle explains, on the political genius of Lincoln. The only problem is that within its nearly 750 pages is a not so good book, an unsuccessful attempt to write mini-biographies of William Seward, Salmon Chase, Edwin Stanton and Edward Bates-a/k/a "the rivals."

The problem, and this is more than just a minor flaw, is that Goodwin's attempt to flesh-out the supporting cast of Seward, Chase, Stanton and Bates causes this political biography to sometimes go off course. It makes the thread hard to follow. Sort of like New Years Day trying to watch 3 or 4 football games at the same time. No matter how hard you try, you sometimes get confused and wonder what the heck is going on.

At times it seems Goodwin simply wrote the wrong book. The good book about the political genius of Lincoln sometimes gets lost in this meandering work that includes too much about Chase's beautiful daughter or why Frances Stewart wanted to stay home instead of spending time in Washington. I mean-why did I really have to know that Kate Chase's actions as a sixteen year old caused her boyfriend the governor of Rhode Island to back-off marriage. What the heck was Ms. Kerns Goodwin thinking?

Nonetheless, if you stay the course in reading this book, and I suggest you just skip through the E! Network stuff, it is a very enjoyable read.

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